Umma Foundation: Gaza Ads vs the IRS File

By
Oscar Hird
Editor In Chief
- Editor In Chief

I want to say this first: I am not writing this to discredit the suffering in Gaza, or the real aid work being done there. This is about one charity I kept running into, a group that presents itself as doing work in Palestine, Gaza more specifically, at least if you go by what they put on YouTube.

The ads are, frankly, bizarre. Some of them look like the AI spots that have taken over charity YouTube. I’ll leave the clip here, and you can decide for yourself:

The website looks pretty normal. After clicking around, though, I noticed that on a refresh, ummafoundation.org kept showing the same donor name, with different amounts and different emojis.

A bit of digging: those homepage toasts are Fundraise Up’s Social Proof widget. They are FOMO, basically, a canned reel of recent checkout attempts, mostly small recurring gifts, played as if they were happening live. That is just standard fundraising UX if I’m going to be frank, but it is also not independent proof of volume, of cleared payments, or of aid arriving in Gaza. For this piece, I’m sticking to their Palestine claims, not every other country they list. The widget by itself isn’t uniquely sketchy. A lot of charities do it. It just starts to add up once you stack it against everything else.

Among more established Palestinian relief groups, the filings look different. Islamic Relief USA’s 990s attach dollar figures and named intermediaries to Gaza work. United Palestinian Appeal reports huge MENA grant volume and a field presence. UMR at least breaks out Palestine as a country. UMMA solicits Gaza meals as if it runs kitchens. Its public 990s and sites still do not identify a single implementing organization inside Gaza. Age and size explain some of that gap. Unnamed-partner marketing does not.

The name is another oddity. UMMA sits one letter away from Ummah Relief International, ummahrelief.org, with the extra h, a charity founded around 1994. I don’t know that older group well. They are not the same organization. Different EIN, different state, about a thirty-year gap. Still, the overlap is part of how I fell down this hole.

Then there is the copy. On one page, Umma Foundation tells donors that a charity claiming “100% of donations go directly to aid” is a red flag: costs are “covered elsewhere,” or “transparency is unclear.” On other pages, it sells the opposite: an orphan program with a “direct aid model with no middlemen,” a Yala pitch that “100% of funds” go to “field relief in Gaza” with “zero overhead from your donation,” and “100% donor transparency.” The caution is good advice. It is also a description of UMMA’s own marketing. By their standard, that is a red flag.

Street-level view of a brick WeWork entrance on a Brooklyn sidewalk, with a Chipotle sign, dumpsters, and a delivery truck in front.
The address Umma Foundation lists as its office, 134 N 4th Street in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, is a WeWork. Google Street View, 2024.

The founder, Mohamed “Moe” Sayed, does not run a high-profile personal activist account. He has a founder website and a modest LinkedIn under Stipple Real Estate. UMMA’s reach is the org Instagram and YouTube, not a verified Moe Sayed feed. The one hard public tie between the man and the charity address is that Stipple and UMMA both use 134 N 4th Street, Brooklyn. That building is a WeWork coworking space. So the charity and the real-estate company do not appear to have a dedicated office. Plenty of companies do that. It is still a strange fit next to the scale they advertise: being kitchens, spanning countries, etc. You would expect a warehouse, or at least a room that is theirs, for coordinating work they say spans that many places.

None of this proves the ads are fake, or that nobody in Gaza ever ate a meal with their logo on a banner. It does mean the public file and the YouTube file are not the same story.

That is the part that stayed with me.

If you only watch the ads, UMMA looks like a kitchen providing food in Gaza. If you spend an evening on the IRS letter, the 990 extract, the WeWork listing, and the widget in the page source, it comes across like a young Brooklyn nonprofit with a strong YouTube habit and almost no public trail of who cashes the check on the other end.

This is why looking a charity up is not cynicism. It is how you sleep after you give, without the worry your money has gone to something other than where you intended it to.

You do not need to be an accountant or anything fancy. You just need a name, an EIN, and about twenty minutes of your time.

Search the legal name on ProPublica’s Nonprofit Explorer. Open the latest 990. Check three things. Who is on the board, and whether they are paid. How much came in, and how much went out as grants. Whether Schedule F or the program pages name a country and a partner, or only “our teams.”

Then match that to the homepage. For example, if the site says kitchens and the return says “general,” that is a clear mismatch on display. If two groups have almost the same name, check both EINs before you tap donate. If the office is a coworking lobby, that is fine, as long as you are not picturing a warehouse or polished corporate office.

Plenty of groups will pass that test. Islamic Relief USA and UPA put partners and regions on paper. But on the otherhand plenty will not, or will not yet, because they are new. Which is completely fine. But on the other hand being new plus “no middlemen” plus a live-looking ticker plus no named field office is a reason to pause and think.

Gaza still needs food. That is not the argument I am trying to make, but the argument is that urgency is cheap to produce and expensive to verify. A donation is a trust decision, and thus the 990 is one of the few documents that is not written by the ad team.

So in short, if the paperwork and the video tell the same story, then you can give with a clear head. If they do not, I suggest you keep looking. The work is real, whilst the brand is just that a brand and thus optional.

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